By MATTHEW F. SMITH Published: March 15, 2012 ...
International optimism toward Myanmar is at a fever pitch. The
government is allowing the democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to run in
parliamentary by-elections in less than two weeks, hundreds of former
political prisoners now walk the streets, and media censorship has been
relaxed. Governments and policy makers around the world are rightly
impressed.
But how far has the Burmese government really progressed on human rights?
I have traveled twice to the conflict areas, spending more than six
weeks interviewing more than 100 people. Burmese soldiers have raped
Kachin women, tortured civilians, used forced labor on the front lines,
and opened fire on villagers with small arms and mortars, causing tens
of thousands to flee.
“It was intended that way,” a Burmese Army deserter told me after
explaining how his battalion had shelled a village to disperse
civilians.
One 16-year-old Kachin boy explained how he and his 14-year-old brother
had been tortured by the Burmese Army for information about the K.I.A.,
and then forced to porter supplies on the front lines.
“They pointed the knife against my stomach and they put it on my
brother’s throat,” he said. “We were asked repeatedly where the K.I.A.
is and in which house the weapons are hidden, and then the soldier said,
‘If you don’t show us and don’t give us the answers, then you will be
killed and your hands will be cut off.’ And then we were tied up.”
All told, the conflict and abuses have caused the displacement of
approximately 75,000 Kachin since June, and all while the world
applauded the Burmese government’s reform efforts far from the
battlefield. Of those displaced, an estimated 45,000 fled to 30
makeshift camps in K.I.A.-controlled territory along the Myanmar-China
border, where the Burmese authorities have denied them access to
international humanitarian aid.
President Thein Sein has granted U.N. agencies humanitarian access to
the area only once, in December, six months after the conflict began.
Grassroots organizations are providing aid but are in need of
international support. Items like food, medicine, blankets and warm
clothing are in short supply.
The K.I.A. has also been involved in serious abuses, including using
child soldiers and widespread sowing of antipersonnel mines. When
hostilities finally cease, the mines will complicate the safe return of
displaced civilians to their villages. Childhoods, lives and limbs have
already been lost.
This situation stands in stark contrast to the dominant narrative on
Myanmar today. Many of the country’s people and the international
community are hopeful for a better future. Thein Sein has even publicly
vowed to end ethnic conflicts, famously telling Parliament earlier this
month that he wanted to help ethnic young people “who had brandished
guns” to use laptops.
Nevertheless, the plight of the Kachin is worse than it has been in two
decades. Thein Sein’s government is not only failing to protect their
rights, it is actively violating them.
U.N. member states should continue to back reform and reformers in
Myanmar. As part of that effort, an international mechanism should be
created to investigate human rights abuses in the ethnic areas and
throughout the country. The presence of the U.N. Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights on the ground to monitor and investigate
abuses would be a good start.
Objective investigations into wartime abuses will not come from the
Burmese government now or anytime soon. The military still wields
significant political power by law, and the nascent national human
rights commission lacks independence and is restricted by the same
self-censorship that has plagued Myanmar for decades. An independent
judiciary will take years, perhaps decades, to establish.
Meantime, the government should be pressed to grant humanitarian
agencies unfettered access to all internally displaced populations in
need, including those in the conflict zones.
Now is a crucial time for Myanmar’s ethnic minority populations.
Ignoring their plight for fear of disrupting reforms will only stifle
development and democracy in the long run.
Matthew F. Smith
is a consultant to Human Rights Watch and author of the organization’s
report “Untold Miseries: Wartime Abuses and Forced Displacement in
Burma’s Kachin State.”



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