By JANE PERLEZ / The New York Times, March 31, 2012 12:00 am ...
HSIPAW, Myanmar -- As Chinese workers in hard hats and red overalls
bulldoze deep trenches into the orange soil across northern Myanmar for
gas and oil pipelines to China, China's largest energy conglomerate is
paying cash for land and trees in the pipelines' path, and building
schools and health clinics for some of the poorest people on earth.
The
compensation offered by the China National Petroleum Corporation
reflects a bitter lesson China learned about doing business in the new,
more democratic Myanmar when construction on a major Chinese
hydroelectric dam there was suspended last year after a groundswell of
outrage erupted over what was seen as China's imperious attitude toward
Myanmar's people and its environment.
The gentler approach also
reflects hard calculations in an escalating battle with the United
States for regional influence. As Myanmar loosens the grip of decades of
military dictatorship and improves ties with the United States, China
fears a threat to a strategic partnership that offers access to the
Indian Ocean and a long-sought shortcut for oil deliveries from the
Middle East.
With the United States reasserting itself in Asia,
and an emboldened China projecting military and economic power as never
before, each side is doing whatever it can to gain the favor of
economically struggling, strategically placed Myanmar.
The Obama
administration would like a swift foreign policy success in an election
year. Having another country move from dictatorship toward democracy on
President Obama's watch would be a political achievement; having a
friendly country on China's border would be a strategic one.
But
the United States is handicapped in delivering meaningful assistance by
economic sanctions that Congress is reluctant to lift. Myanmar must
conduct fair parliamentary elections on Sunday, settle conflicts with
ethnic minorities and release more political prisoners before more than
two decades of harsh sanctions can be removed, administration officials
say.
China, Myanmar's chief patron for decades, wants to maintain a
relationship that will allow unfettered access to Myanmar's energy
resources. But the Chinese, accustomed to unwavering loyalty from
Myanmar at the United Nations and other diplomatic forums, are faced
with a new government led by President U Thein Sein that has shown signs
of wanting to be less dependent on its old friend and more responsive
to its citizens' concerns.
In perhaps the most visible symbol of
Myanmar's new openness to the West, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham
Clinton visited in December, the first secretary of state to do so in
more than 50 years. Photographs of her shaking hands with the revered
opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, women of similar age in white
jackets, their hair drawn back in ponytails, radiant smiles on their
faces, now hang in cafes and homes, an impossibility six months ago.
Mrs.
Clinton tempered her visit with warnings that economic sanctions would
not be lifted as fast as Myanmar would like. Even so, the United States
restored full diplomatic relations, a reward for Myanmar's political and
economic changes so far.
In a counterpunch, Chinese officials
blamed American meddling for the suspension of the $3.6 billion dam
project last September, and said the American diplomatic effort was a
direct challenge in its backyard.
"It is hard for the Chinese to
see the United States push into Myanmar as not about China," said Yun
Sun, a Chinese foreign policy expert based in Washington. "The United
States is a global power. It's natural it would want a relationship with
Myanmar. But China had a monopoly, and if you have to share it, it
makes it difficult to swallow. That's why the Chinese are angry."
A
prominent Chinese historian, Qin Hui of Tsinghua University in Beijing,
warned his government that blaming the West's meddling for the dam
rebuff missed the point. The people of Myanmar had expressed
"exceedingly broad-based opposition" to building a dam at the headwaters
of the Irrawaddy River, the nation's biggest waterway, he wrote.
China still enjoys a strong position in Myanmar.
The
two authoritarian governments have known how to do business in
closed-door deals on arms sales and megaprojects that critics say are
laced with corruption. While Myanmar was isolated by international
sanctions, China was its main foreign investor, and it has the advantage
of proximity over a long border. Beijing has plowed billions of dollars
into the country, and the United States cannot compete with that,
American officials say.
Washington is limited under the sanctions
to offering about $30 million a year in humanitarian aid, an American
official said, even as the United States Agency for International
Development seeks to establish a presence.
Sandwiched between the
United States and China are some Myanmar businessmen who see
American-backed reforms as the best solution to the chronically weak
economy and fear that the slow easing of American sanctions could work
in China's favor.
One businessman, who declined to be quoted by
name because free speech can still be an uncertain proposition in
Myanmar, said that if the United States insisted on maintaining
sanctions and the economy failed to take off, China would come to the
rescue with the old-style cronyism of big loans and huge infrastructure
projects. The new gas pipeline alone, scheduled to open next year, will
bring billions of dollars in royalties and transit fees. The oil
pipeline to be finished after that will also offer sizable revenue.
For
that reason, Washington needs to take a more pragmatic approach, said
Aung Naing Oo, the Burmese deputy director of the Vahu Development
Institute, a Thailand-based organization set up by refugees from
Myanmar, also known as Burma. "They should do more than talking," he
said of the Obama administration. "By continuing the sanctions, the
United States is inadvertently helping those who want to take us back to
the old ways."
For now, China feels burned by Myanmar on the dam project.
The
dam had provoked an outpouring of nationwide opposition, backed by Ms.
Aung San Suu Kyi, and brought into the open a nascent antipathy to
China, as well as to the ethnic Chinese population.
The dam on the
Irrawaddy River, which has near mythic significance in Burmese culture,
was being built by one of China's biggest state-run power companies,
China Power Investment. About 90 percent of the dam's power was destined
for Yunnan Province in China although, according to the World Bank,
less than 20 percent of households in Myanmar have electricity.
Thousands
of villagers were forcibly resettled by the military. They were given
some compensation, including 21-inch television sets.
Opposition
to the dam remains strong near the site at Myitsone. Some residents of
nearby Tanghpre tried to return home this month from a relocation camp.
At the red-brick Roman Catholic Church of the Columbine Mission, Sister
Lydia sobbed as she told how the police had detained her when she helped
some of her congregation return.
On March 17, Sister Lydia lost
her battle. The villagers she had assisted were bundled up by the
military and taken back to their Chinese-built homes in the relocation
camp. A sign in Tanghpre said: government property.
In a signal
that the company has not given up, Lu Qizhou, the head of China Power
Investment, said at a news conference in Beijing this month that
mistakes had been made and that the company would try to take better
care of the local population. Whether the Myanmar government succumbs to
Chinese displeasure and allows the dam construction to resume remains
unclear.
Meanwhile, the pipeline project -- which starts at a
deep-sea port on the Bay of Bengal and is being built by China National
Petroleum, operators of projects in nearly a dozen countries -- proceeds
at an urgent pace. Trucks laden with pipes trundle through villages
around the clock. Bulldozers dig trenches 12 hours a day.
The
company is making relatively generous payments to cash-starved farmers
to move off the rich soil that grew luxuriant crops of watermelons,
castor beans and mangoes.
A quarter-acre farm fetches about
$10,000 and a large mango tree about $400, according to local
businessmen in Hsipaw. In a flash of the kind of corporate
responsibility increasingly practiced by Western natural resource
companies, the Chinese corporation recently built a health clinic in one
of the villages close to the pipeline, a sturdy concrete structure that
contrasts with the flimsy bamboo houses.
About six miles northeast of Mandalay, the second biggest city, the company donated a new school.
"They
built a pipeline near here for their own economy," said Daw Swe Oo, a
math teacher. "They take a lot of our resources and donate back a little
here and there. But I am just happy and excited to have a nice new
school to teach in."
Bree Feng contributed research.
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
First Published 2012-03-31 04:16:23
Saturday, March 31, 2012
U.S. and China Press for Influence in Myanmar
2:59 PM
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